This month The Differential
Association convened to discuss two articles on the issue of same-sex relationships in women’s
prisons. In the first article, Pardue, Arrigo and Murphy attempt to create a taxonomy
of relationship types and sexual behaviour in women’s prisons. This takes the
form of a comprehensive review of the existing literature followed by
recommendations. The practical benefits of this are foremost in their minds as
they urge the development of a pro-active programme of sexual
exploitation/victimisation preventions. The innovation of such a typology is
also a useful heuristic tool for further prison researchers. The real-world
application of their investigation can meaningfully contribute towards creating
a safer prison environment.
Drawing on existing theorists,
they state that prison sexuality is shaped by mainstream culture and layered
with prison subcultures. In this model, factors intrinsic to the individual
interact with factors specific to incarceration. One imports one’s sexual identity, while it
is also possible to export sexual behaviours and norms from prison on release.
There is therefore a permeable boundary, represented by the walls of the
prison, in which attitudes to sex are those of both the outside and the inside.
Pardue et al argue that so far, the
study of sexuality in prison has been marginalised, or portrayed negatively,
and that researchers working in the area have been the subject of scepticism.
Their continuum of prison
sexuality reads: suppressed sexuality, autoeroticism, true homosexuality, situational
homosexuality, sexual violence. Research indicates that the variety of sexual
behaviours in women’s prisons is diverse, this continuum attempts to encompass
all such diversities.
Suppressed sexuality, which the
DA found an interesting conceptualisation, and one little considered in the
context of prison sexuality, is an adaptive response to incarceration. It is
categorised as the first on the continuum classification, which is correlated
with a continuum of potential for aggression. While there is little research on
suppressed sexuality in prison, research does exist on non-sexual relationships
within prison, such as pseudofamilies and kinships which provide emotional,
rather than sexual, support.
The category of autoeroticism,
second on their continuum, has traditionally been a subject of moral and
regulatory concern within institutions, and especially as related to women and
girls. Masturbation was for decades considered an unnatural vice, and indicative of moral
degeneracy or mental incompetence. Pardue et al argue from the literature that
it remains a stigmatised subject within prisons.
The category of homosexuality is
divided into true and situational, and the authors highlight the stigma
associated with such sexuality, emanating from outside the prison as well as
from within. They write that same-sex female relationships received little academic
attention until the 1960s and 1970s, yet the concerns about ‘particular
friendships’ between women had been a recurring feature of prison records from
the nineteenth-century.
The literature has suggested that
women entering prison who self-identify as homosexual are better able to adapt
to prison-life and labels such as prisoner through the learned behaviour of
adapting to cope with abuse and victimisation of their sexuality on the
outside. The literature is also sceptical of the usefulness of a binary
straight/gay categorisation (Severance, 2004), as identity is a constitutive
feature which can be reshaped and fluid. Many prisoners’ first same-sex
encounters occurred while in prison; these figures suggest that such activity
should be thoroughly understood as another element of adapting to prison, along
with the related trauma and issues some may experience. Sexuality is a heavily
weighted subject, with corresponding issues of stigma, emotional response and
vulnerability.
Pardue et al argue that sexual
violence, the final category of their continuum, had not been studied prior to
1996. There are many potential opportunities for such violence in a prison
environment; for example, persons in prison live with deprivations, which can
lead to an underground bartering economy. Harmful behaviours can also occur in
the daily running of prisons, through strip-searching for example. The authors
divide sexual violence into the sub-categories manipulation, compliance and
coercion and argue that the issues are again diverse depending on the statuses
of the persons involved. For example, if one participant is a prison guard this
raises pertinent issues of security, exploitation and institutional abuse. Examples of research focused on sexual violence include Struckman-Johnson
and Struckman-Johnson (2006) who studied men and women in prison and found that 75% men and
57% had experienced sexual coercion more than once on at least one occasion.
Blackburn, Mullings and Marquart (2008) found sexual victimisation rates were
higher in the female prison population than in general population.
Consideration of such issues of institutional abuse, exploitation and
vulnerability are central to the safe running of prisoner regimes.
The authors highlight the key role of prison officers in addressing the problem of sexual violence in prisons, advising that appropriate education and training is critical in improving prevention and detection. Pardue et al observe that a benign approach taken by prison authorities to this issue could contribute to sustaining the harm. They also acknowledge that prison staff can become implicated or involved in the sexual coercion of female inmates.
Pardue et al argue for innovative,
empirically-led research and are keen to see their typology tested and revised
with the hope it could feed into policy. For example, women leaving prison
should be given counselling akin to post-trauma counselling, both perpetrator
and victim should receive psychological and medical assistance following
incidents of sexual violence, and the employment of more female staff as well
as psychometric testing of potential staff.
Issues which arise in relation to
sexual violence in prison include, are the women ‘free’ to report assaults?
What are the implications of reporting? Prison has limited health services, the
authors argue for the introduction of nursing care, with nurses trained in
sexual assault awareness to minimise the risk of secondary victimisation. They cite Haney
(2006), who has argued that sexual violence against persons who are imprisoned is a
human rights issue.
The continuum of sexual behaviour
is also characterised by a corresponding potential for aggression. For example,
suppressed sexuality had the lowest risk of aggression while, obviously, sexual
violence was at the top end. Some members of the DA found the specific choice
of word, ‘aggression’ interesting, and perhaps misleading. In this
conceptualisation true homosexuality is less ‘aggressive’ than situational
homosexuality. The latter is judged to have more potential for volatile
conduct, and may lead to oppression, and the flourishing of a pariah economy.
The terminology here is somewhat misleading and may serve to stigmatise gay
women and those who begin homosexual relationships while imprisoned, this
unconscious reliance on negative stereotyping of gay women as masculine should
be avoided.
Tomer Einat and Gila Chen studied
perceptions of same-sex relationships in Israel’s only women’s prison, they
found that there is tension between the prevalence of such relationships and
the negative attitudes towards them, that relationships between shorter-term
prisoners were more likely to be based on economic exploitation, and that most
Jewish and Muslim women participate in such relationships despite expressing
negative attitudes towards them. Einat and Chen found that the
prison lacked pseudofamily structures, something they found unexpected
considering the literature.
Einat and Chen, in their
conclusion, argue that Israeli women prisoners could be experiencing a
masculinsation and/or liberation process, becoming more like male inmates and
freeing themselves from the constraints of gender. This line of reasoning is
somewhat specious; they are equating homosexuality with masculinity. Further,
their conception of liberation from gender is tantamount to increasing
masculinity. The evidence which leads them to this unconvincing conclusion
seems to instead point towards troubling exploitative sexual relationships
within the prison they studied. The DA noted the huge differential in the
weekly sums prisoners could earn through prison-work, arguably this creates
economic disparities which are then resolved in the informal prison economy.
Such a differential payment system would appear to be a possible recommendation
for reform.
The authors speculate that attitudes
will become more positive to such relationships, drawing on evidence that
longer-term prisoners conceptualise the relationships in a more understanding
manner, this overlooks the fact that the negative attitudes mostly come from
short-term prisoners.
Finally, the brief treatment of
Muslim/Jewish divide would have provided a very interesting element had it been
expanded. The authors concluded, on seemingly little evidence, that the
attitudes of women of both religions were not fundamentally different. A fuller
exploration of this would have been welcome.
An examination of Einat and
Gila’s methodology highlighted some shortcomings. The authors claimed participants
were randomly chosen from a participant list compiled by a member of prison staff.
More detail on the method of randomisation used, and how the initial list was
compiled is required. Selection bias may have occurred during the identification
of prospective participants.
The phenomenological approach
used throughout interviewing was not continued during data analysis. The use of
content analysis to analyse transcripts did not provide an in-depth
interpretative approach, required to understand such complex prison
experiences. Although two researchers were involved in this study, it appears
that peer-reviewing of themes was not completed. Authors also failed to highlight
the limitations of using such an experiential form of interviewing, including the
difficulty of understanding other people's perceptions, as well as the bias
caused by a researcher’s own conceptions.
A systematic approach to data
analysis was taken by counting the frequency with which themes and words were
used by participants. Word counting may not explore sufficiently the meaning of
particular words used by participants, and can lack rigour. Only one respondent
spoke about ‘fear’ however, authors presented it as a major theme due to the
value they attributed to this experience. It appears researchers’ own
conceptions obstructed objective qualitative analysis. Themes highlighting participants’
motivations for partaking in same-sex relationships, along with attitudes
towards same-sex relationships during incarceration were presented. Authors
provided scant interpretation of themes, and presented respondents’ excerpts
without credible interpretation, comparison or analysis.
There is a rich vein of cultural
representations of women’s imprisonment, ranging from the ground-breaking
television show ‘Orange is the New Black’ to sexploitation films of the 1970s
and soap-opera-like dramas such as 'Prisoner Cell Block H' and 'Bad Girls'. Many of
these representations provide heavily sexualised characterisation. These
cultural manifestations borrow from prison terminology, utilising concepts such
as butch and femme. However, as shown in the two articles herein, the active
role of research aims to examine lived experiences of women prisoners to
present the complexity of sexuality within women’s prisons rather than
two-dimensional ciphers.
Most interestingly, this month's discussion quickly moved from a consideration of the two selected articles to a broader (and rapidly spiralling!) debate about the sexualisation of women in the media, both as perpetrators and as victims of crime; in light of the tendency towards such objectification research on women in prison presents a means of acknowledging the subjectivity and integrity of such persons. While DA members, at times, did not remain entirely convinced by the approaches taken in both articles, the thought-provoking and insightful discussion prompted by their subject matter was welcomed and valued by all.
This blog was written by Lynsey Black, Kate O’Hara and Colette Barry.
Most interestingly, this month's discussion quickly moved from a consideration of the two selected articles to a broader (and rapidly spiralling!) debate about the sexualisation of women in the media, both as perpetrators and as victims of crime; in light of the tendency towards such objectification research on women in prison presents a means of acknowledging the subjectivity and integrity of such persons. While DA members, at times, did not remain entirely convinced by the approaches taken in both articles, the thought-provoking and insightful discussion prompted by their subject matter was welcomed and valued by all.
This blog was written by Lynsey Black, Kate O’Hara and Colette Barry.
The views expressed herein are those of the authors’ alone.